Progress 12/15/02 to 03/14/05
Outputs During visits to American Indian reservations and nearby border towns in Wisconsin, Minnesota, and Montana, I conducted a series of semi-structured interviews canvassing Native American experiences of racially motivated violence, i.e., hate crime. The interviews addressed both violent and non-violent victimization, and reflected the following concepts: hate crime (e.g., verbal insults, harassment, physical violence, dynamics); oppression/discrimination (e.g., exploitation, marginalization); reporting of ethnoviolence; the extent to which violence is perceived to be motivated by activism of Native Americans; and recommendations for responding to hate crime. Respondents were drawn from six American Indian tribes: Ojibwe, Salish and Kootenai, Crow, Blackfeet, and Northern Cheyenne, representing ten reservations. In total, we interviewed approximately 110 Native Americans in these communities, far more than the initial target of 60-75. Multiple and intersecting forms of
oppression were apparent in the communities I visited. For example, myriad forms of employment discrimination are evident (e.g., exploitation of Native American craftspeople), as are practices that constitute cultural imperialism: Indian logos, racial slurs, the absence of American Indians in school curricula. However, I was especially struck by the empirical validity of the conceptual observation that Native Americans live with the daily knowledge that they are liable to violation, solely on account of their group identity(Young, 1995: 83). Generally, the interviews uncovered a number of recurring themes: 1. Racial harassment and violence are deemed a normative part of everyday life for many of the Native Americans interviewed. 2. Hate crime often emerges in response to the visibility and activism of Native American individuals and communities, especially where rights claims are invoked. 3. Police and other state officials often contribute to an environment that is hostile to Native
Americans, thereby enabling hate crime to flourish. In particular, police are thought to simultaneously over- and under-police Native American communities. 4. Violence is not solely white on Indian. Multiple lines of hostility are evident, including Indian on white, and Indian on Indian across tribal lines and across bloodlines. 5. The ongoing patterns of hate crime have severe consequences for individuals and communities, including 'wearing down' its victims; fear of interacting with white communities; perpetuating segregation; and cultivation of anti-white sentiment and activity. 6. In contrast, the persistence of racial violence may also elicit stronger and more constructive connections with one's Native American identity. 7. Participants identified a range of practices by which hate crime might be minimized. These included educating both Natives and non-Natives on the formers' culture, identity, etc.; more frequent interaction between communities; state acknowledgement of treaty
rights; individual and collective forms of resistance, including standing up to slurs, violence, and mistreatment generally; and community economic and political development.
Impacts A review of the literature on Native Americans and criminal justice, and of hate crime literature reveals little if any attention to hate crime against Native Americans. Consequently, the findings and outcomes of the project represent a significant contribution to our academic understanding of this hidden problem. The larger project of which this is a part is the first systematic attempt to document the dynamics of racial violence as experienced by Native Americans. Interviews conducted in the upper midwest, and the northern plains reveal disturbing and consistent patterns of hate crime victimization, and their effects on Native American individuals and communities.
Publications
- Perry, Barbara. 2005. Policing Native American Communities (book prospectus under review with New York University Press, Oxford University Press, University of Illinois Press, Nebraska University Press, Lexington Press)
- Perry,Barbara and Robyn,Linda. 2005. Putting Anti-Indian Violence in Context: The Case of the Great Lakes Chippewa, American Indian Quarterly, 29.
- Perry, Barbara. 2005. Normative Violence: Everyday Racism in the Lives of Native Americans,in A. Aguirre and D. Baker (eds), Structured Inequality in the United States: Discussions on the Continuing Significance of Race, Ethnicity, and Gender, 2nd ed. (Prentice-Hall) (in press).
- Perry, Barbara. 2005. Who Ya' Gonna' Call? Under- and Over-policing of Native American Communities, (under review with Critical Criminology).
- Perry, Barbara. 2005. The Forgotten Victims: Hate Crimes Against Native Americans (book prospectus under review with New York University Press, Oxford University Press, University of Illinois Press, Nebraska University Press, Lexington Press)
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Progress 10/01/02 to 09/30/03
Outputs In the first year of the project, I conducted 89 interviews in 3 states (MN, WI, MT) with participants from 5 nations (Ojibwe, Northern Cheyenne, Blackfeet, Crow, Salish/Kootenai) and 10-12 reservations. This number is significantly more than anticipated (40-50). Protocol: Given the number of interviews and richness of the data, it is fair to say that I have developed a successful approach to accessing participants. I hired a Native American RA from each community. The RA facilitated initial contacts based on personal knowledge of the communities. From these, we identified additional particpants via snowball sampling. We spent two weeks at each site. Prior to site visits, I spent considerable time reading historical and contemporary analyses of the culture and dynamics of each community. This gave me a solid grounding on which to base my conversations with participants. Outcomes: The fieldnotes and transcribed interviews have enabled me to begin to develop novel
theoretical insights into the dynamics of Native American victimization. The emergent themes are manifold; I have begun to articulate some of these (MN/WI as the Deep North and the normativity of violence) in several guest lectures, conference presentations, and paper drafts. I have submitted one article to Violence and Victims. For the remainder of the grant, I will complete the interview transcription, and continue to develop conference and publishable papers
Impacts The work will make substantial contributions to the dramatically underdeveloped literature on hate crime against Native Americans. In addition, I have begun to return my findings to the communities in hopes that the knowledge gained will enhance recognition of the problem, along with the ability to confront it locally.
Publications
- Normative Violence: Everyday Racism in the Lives of Native Americans, submitted to Violence and Victims (November, 2003). Several guest lectures based on this paper have also been presented.
- Ethnoviolence in the Deep North: Hate Crime Victimization Against Native Americans in Minnesota and Wisconsin, presented at the Annual Meetings of the Western Social Science Association, April 2003, Las Vegas NV.
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